But there was peace in their hearts.
They were filled with the fearlessness of those who have lost everything, the fearlessness which is not easy to come by but which endures.
— Alexander Solzhenitsyn
The First Circle (P. 579)
I don’t care if he’s
unfashionable, I continue to be impressed by the great Russian novelist
Alexander Solzhenitsyn. I opened my 14,000-word 1992 Time To Rethink
Immigration?
cover story in the pre-purge
National Review with a
disguised homage to his novel about Stalin’s Gulag,
The First Circle.
(This article just had a huge spike in traffic, thanks to a generous column by
Ann Coulter.) I often close my speeches—for example, here and here—with his
powerful Nobel Prize address evocation of the absolute value of nations (“The
disappearance of nations would impoverish us no less then if all men had become
alike with one personality, one face. Nations are the wealth of mankind…” So
why abolish
On May 25, despite heroic
resistance from patriots like Jeff Sessions (R.-AL), the U.S. Senate passed
S.2611—which should properly be called the Kennedy-Bush Amnesty/ Immigration
Acceleration bill, since it is fundamentally a Democratic measure, supported by
only a minority of Republicans, made possible solely by the fanatical support
of the Bush White House. Among many other awful things, including amnesty, this
disgusting special-interest feeding frenzy will
at least double legal
immigration from its current unprecedented highs. It is a further, giant
step towards abolishing
Now that Congress has
returned after the Memorial Day recess, Kennedy-Bush, or some poisonous part of
it, may well pass the House and become law. The moral of recent immigration
legislation history is that
Judging from VDARE.COM’s
huge email traffic, the controversy over the Senate’s sell-out has for the
first time alerted many ordinary Americans to what is being done to their
country and to their children’s future. They have fought hard to prevent it.
They may very well be shocked and dismayed if it goes through.
But, as a scarred veteran of the struggle for patriotic immigration reform, I
am not. It has been obvious for some time that this will be a long and terrible
war. So to these new patriotic reformers, and to my fellow scarred veterans in
the struggle, I offer another passage from Solzhenitsyn, which forms the
epigraph to this article.
It comes at the end of
The
Maybe nobody is going to die
if Kennedy-Bush becomes law—apart, of course, from the steady but unpublicized
toll from drunk driving, crime, disease, financial ruin and so on—although ever
more American communities will be debauched and destroyed. (Think
They had already lost
everything. By the late 1990s, they were effectively excluded from the mass
media and, especially after the disaster of the Bush clan’s recapture of the
Republican Party in 2000, from all political expression. They were treated with
a radical contempt virtually unique in the otherwise relatively collegial and
difference-splitting political culture of American democracy. They had nowhere
to go but up.
And, amid the lies and hysteria that invariably accompany any
immigration-enthusiast assault on America, there is clear evidence that
immigration reform patriots are indeed going up—and that they will continue to
go up, until ultimately they and their cause prevail.
As we’ve said before on
VDARE.COM, it took thirty years for Americans to cut off the last (1880-1920)
Great Wave of immigration. By that measure, however unlikely it may now appear,
in two or three election cycles the next cut-off will be here.
The Goldwater Effect
After a trauma like a
stroke, the human brain is galvanized to rewire itself around the damaged area.
Political trauma has a similar effect. The paradoxical result of Barry
Goldwater’s disastrous defeat in 1964 was that it left the American
conservative movement with its own independent rapidly-developing networks and
institutions. These eventually enabled it to elect Ronald Reagan and solve an
earlier generation of problems, bypassing an equally arrogant, ignorant and
intransigent political Establishment.
Exactly the same process has
been underway among immigration reform patriots. The immense difference between
immigration reform in 2006 and ten years earlier is that, then, backroom
Republican traitors like Sen. Spencer Abraham could sabotage the Smith-Simpson
immigration bill, which embodied the reduction proposals of the Jordan
Commission, and be protected by
Wall Street Journal Op Ed page
propaganda. Now there is a critical mass of organizations with websites willing
to expose such perfidy in devastating detail and radio talkshows willing to
publicize it. These organizations have evolved different specialties and are,
generally speaking, as collegial as can be humanly expected. It all reminds me
very much of the conservative movement when I first immigrated into it in 1970.
Of course, the MSM remains
pretty much a desert—but increasingly irrelevant, thanks to the internet. And
even here, individuals like the
Washington Post’s Robert Samuelson,
Slate’s
Mickey Kaus, and above all CNN’s Lou Dobbs have begun to speak up, albeit
sometimes uncertainly. Additionally, the
Washington Times’ Jerry Seper
and Stephen Dinan now provide real news coverage.
The
most recent and surprising (to me) development: politicians—
politicians!—have
begin to speak up too, with what looks like an almost Solzhenitsynian
fearlessness.
VDARE.COM has written
frequently about the heroism of Rep. Tom Tancredo (R.-CO) who has deservedly
become a national figure on the immigration issue. But there are others: it
would be hard to match the vitriol of the press release with which Rep. Charlie
Norwood (R.-GA) greeted the Senate sell-out. I’m particularly taken with the
explanation for his vote against Kennedy-Bush offered by Sen. Chuck Grassley,
the popular veteran Republican Senator from
I voted for amnesty in 1986 when we had a 1 million illegal
immigrant problem. [It turned out to be 3 million—hint!] Now we have a 12
million illegal immigrant problem. Amnesty didn’t work in 1986 and I don’t
think it’s going to work in 2006.
(In other words, legislators
learn from experience—bad news for immigration enthusiasts.) And then
there’s this conclusion to his savage
Washington Times Op-Ed (
The definition of insanity is to do the same thing over and
over again expecting a different result.
“Insanity”? Rohrabacher is
talking about his own party’s White House here (G.W. Bush, current proprietor).
How’s that for
“fearlessness”?
The Gathering Storm
One of the recent rituals of
the immigration debate has been loud post-election proclamations by MSM
immigration enthusiast commentators that immigration is not working as an
electoral issue. This is disingenuous, as usual. It suppresses the fact that
immigration has produced two of the most stunning electoral upheavals of modern
times—
But what it also reflects,
of course, is that these commentators have no understanding of nascent
political movements—either because they only got into politics after the
American conservative movement was in power (and, perhaps not coincidentally,
able to reward supporters) or because they were actually Democrats at the time,
like the neoconservatives. (Or even, in the case of the agile David Brooks
, now
token conservative columnist for
New York Times where he is
pro-immigration, natch—a socialist.)
The immigration issue has
been gathering over American politics like an immense thundercloud. At first,
you get lightning flashes—noble individuals who run as token protest
candidates, like our Joe Guzzardi in the 2003 California gubernatorial race.
Then you get thunder—contested primaries. Then you get isolated raindrops
—captured nominations. Then, you get flurries of raindrops—election victories.
Then the storm breaks—the movement comes to power.
It takes time. But you get
to recognize the signs.
One sign right now is the
absolutely extraordinary difficulty that President Bush has had (and may still
have) in getting his amnesty passed.
Other scattered signs—for
those who have eyes:
● Arch immigration
enthusiast Utah Republican congressman Chris Cannon, whose costly defeat of an
immigration reform primary challenger in 2004 was greeted with the usual
triumphalist braying, faces an even more serious challenge this year. He may
well lose—but the real point is that the trend is unmistakable.
● In California, a special
congressional election June 6 is a head-to-head clash between an immigration
critic, former congressman and FAIR lobbyist Brian Bilbray, and a
pro-immigration Democrat. Showing a fine sense of party loyalty, Sen. John
McCain has reneged on a commitment to appear at a fund-raiser for Bilbray. Once
again, the trend is clear. Of course, we already know from experience what will
happen after these races. If the immigration reformers lose, there will be
great MSM—and
WSJ—trumpeting. If they win, they will be instantly
blanked out, like Propositions 187 and 200.
● Washington State
Republican convention delegates voted over the Memorial Day weekend to call for
the revocation of the notorious “anchor-baby” interpretation of the Fourteenth
Amendment. Party leaders, needless to say, are panicking.
●
Nebraska Republican U.S. Rep. Tom Osborne, a legendary state football hero,
lost the gubernatorial primary earlier this month because of his support for
in-state college tuition rates for illegals.
● Also in
● In
Herndon, Virginia, the mayor and five town councilors were replaced on May 2 by
voters enraged at their complacency about illegal immigrants, which included
sponsoring a day labor site.
● In Texas, there is now
reportedly “no overlap between the Texas GOP and Bush on immigration.” Their
state party platform calls for “suspension of automatic
These signs will appear with
increasing frequency and intensifying urgency. But whether the political Establishment
chooses to recognize them is another matter.
On the immigration issue,
the American elite has reacted with a bipartisan intransigence exceptional in
democratic politics. The astonishing spectacle of a seriously unpopular
President expending the last of his political capital to impose a policy that
alienates his own base and dooms his party to ever-worsening minority status is
merely the latest example of this phenomenon. There are several reasons for
this bizarre behavior, but the consequence is the same: no evasive action in
the face of the gathering storm.
As a result, in the end the
current party system may just be swept away. This doesn’t happen often in
American politics, but it does happen. Significantly, it was immigration (from
You didn’t hear it here
first. (Well, I did discuss it in
Alien Nation, pp. 199-201.) Recently,
a variety of well-known names have been quietly speculating that something of
the sort may be in the wind: veteran Reagan operative Lynn Nofziger, shortly
before his death (scroll down to May 19, 2005 entry); Richard Viguerie, whose
direct-mail operations played a key role in the Reaganite capture of the
Republican Party; David Frum, despite being author of the cheerleading Bush
biography
The Right Man; Peggy Noonan, despite being a
Wall Street
Journal Op-Ed columnist (although that must certainly give her first-hand
familiarity with the problem).
It’s hard for people to
believe that the political parties they grew up with could ever disappear. All
I can say is: I’ve seen it before, in
In 1986, I finished my (also
much-denounced) book on Canadian politics,
The Patriot Game: Canada and the
Canadian Question Revisited,
by predicting that two new federal
parties would appear: one Western-based, English-speaking, conservative; the
other Quebec-based, French-speaking, separatist.
It took a few election
cycles. But Stephen Harper is now Prime Minister in a minority government and
the Bloc Quebecois holds the balance of power in Parliament.
No doubt my check (cheque in
Canadian) is in the mail.
Political parties are
distressing in their habits. But they appear to be necessary to run democratic
government. Replacing them is a pain in the neck—and very awkward for
individuals with careers invested in them, including many old friends from my
days on the Senate staff. But in
And more important things
than political parties will be hurt. The whole American political concordat as
it had evolved by the second half of the twentieth century is beginning to
unravel.
I can see this in microcosm
in editing VDARE.COM. We are a coalition. Many of our strongest articles are by
patriotic American Catholics articulately appalled by much of their hierarchy’s
relentless support for immigration. But I increasingly get equally articulate
articles from non-Catholic readers who have simply decided, on the basis of the
bishops’ behavior, that the Catholic Church is a Bad Thing and, in particular,
incompatible with the survival of the American nation-state.
In effect, the post-1965
immigration disaster, and the bishops’ foolish response to it, threatens to
revive a controversy about the Catholic Church in America that had been dormant
since the days of
Nation editor Paul Blanshard’s 1949 best-selling
polemic
American Freedom and Catholic Power and John F. Kennedy’s
celebrated 1960 speech to Protestant ministers in Houston, which was in many
ways an answer. American Catholics may face the prospect of being forced by
their bishops to chose between their country and their faith. Americans who are
not Catholics face the prospect of losing not just their country but their
friends.
Even darker is the issue raised
by Larry Auster, author of the seminal
The Path to National Suicide.
Brooding on his
View From the Right blog over the 11-0 vote of Jewish
Senators for Kennedy-Bush and assorted other current Jewish open-borders
manifestations, he asked recently:
If
As a descendant of Eastern Europe Jews, I never would have
imagined that to be descended from immigrants requires a person to have more
allegiance to future prospective immigrants than to
I say that this is a legitimate point
to make to the open-borders Jews and Catholics. ‘Was this part of the deal when
your grandparents were admitted into
Auster, with his celebrated cheeriness, thinks that this
might “shock at least some of them into realizing how offensive their position
is to other Americans, and they would shut up.” I think it would provoke
foaming rage.
Still—so what? As I said, this is shaping up to be a long
and terrible war. But a hard core of
immigration
patriots is forming that does not fear it. And the blame for it falls squarely
on the heads of the immigration enthusiasts.
The Fundamental Contradiction
of Increasing
Immigration
In a 1997
Wall Street Journal column propagating an early version of the myth that
Proposition 187 hurt Republicans in California—the exact reverse of the
truth—Paul Gigot, in his role as mouthpiece for Editor Bob Bartley, took the
opportunity to decree to the conservative peasantry that the immigration debate
was now officially concluded. And the immigration enthusiasts had won—so shut
up.
Gigot
wrote:
…the crusade by a few
columnists and British expatriates to turn the GOP into an anti-immigrant party
seems to have failed. Immigrant-bashing has proven to be lousy American
politics. When even
Nine
years later, in an amusing case of failing upwards, Gigot has succeeded
Bartley—but the immigration debate, far from being “over,” has become so
incandescent that, for example, his own star columnist now thinks that the
failure of the Republican elite a.k.a. the
Wall Street Journal Edit Page
to respond appropriately could destroy the party. (See Peggy Noonan, above.)
At the time, Gigot’s bullying bluster got my attention
because I had private knowledge that Bill Buckley had just fired one of those
pesky “British expatriates,” John O’Sullivan, as editor of
National Review—apparently
because of this sort of pressure. (It was announced the following January with
the typically effeminate Buckleyesque dissimulation that O’Sullivan was
“resigning to write a book.”) I suspected, rightly, that this meant the
elimination of
National Review’s brief resistance to Establishment
immigration enthusiasm—and of another “British expatriate” writing for
National
Review: moi.
But I never worried about the immigration debate being
“over.” This was always obviously absurd. Almost unique in public policy,
immigration enthusiasm contains within itself what Marxists used to call a
“fundamental contradiction.” The reason goes to the point that Enoch Powell,
who increasingly must be judged the greatest British political leader of modern
times, made in his prophetic 1968 immigration speech:
“Numbers are of the
essence.” By increasing the number of immigrants, the enthusiasts increase
the number of problems—their problems.
At VDARE.COM, we exist to provide journalism on these problems
because the MSM won’t. But in case anyone has forgotten, the problems include:
crime; disease; destroyed schools; destroyed neighborhoods; congestion; racial
friction; linguistic displacement; wage depression; welfare costs; political
displacement; and, last but of course not least, the abolition of America.
I was not thrilled about my impending exile to the taiga
and the tundra. But in this respect at least, I guess you could say that, as
with Solzhenitsyn’s
zeks, there was peace in my heart.
But not in the
But now immigration has unmistakably reached the heartland.
From 1995 to 2005, the Center For Immigration Studies reports no fewer than
eleven states experienced triple-digit growth in their immigrant population:
(Remember, this does not include immigrants’ U.S.-born
children.) Of course, the 1995 immigrant population base in some of these
states was quite small, so triple-digit growth was statistically easier to
achieve. But still, the absolute numbers (for example, 264,000 in
Inexorably, in these states, immigration is becoming a
political issue. I’ve already mentioned
● In Tennessee, former Republican U.S. Rep. Ed Bryant is
campaigning on the issue in his quest to succeed Senate Majority Leader Bill
Frist. Bryant, a former federal prosecutor, has told reporters: ”The three
biggest issues I’m hearing about is immigration three times.”
● In Kansas (up 75.9 percent), Representative Jim Ryun said
when he filed for re-election June 2 that “The Number One and Number Two issues
are immigration and immigration.” [“Ryun says immigration is No. 1 issue,” by
Scott Rothschild,
● In Wisconsin [up 70.7 percent], Senator Russ Feingold,
fresh from his vote for Kennedy-Bush, faced such indignant constituents at a
June 3 town hall meeting that he was forced to admit “Sure, it isn’t perfect.”
[“Immigration dominates Buchanan listening session with Feingold,” By Keith
Skenandore,
● In
A few days ago, I asked a
congressional aide what would happen if some version of Kennedy-Bush passes.
He reacted with horror. “It would be the end
of
Of course, it would indeed eventually be the end of
Perhaps a new party would be the first sign that this
process is getting underway. Perhaps, as some VDARE.COM writers have
speculated, this party will be organized along “citizenist” lines; perhaps it
will be more explicitly white nationalist, an inevitable and unimpeachable
response to the ethnocentrism of its immigration-imported competitors. Maybe it
will seek a geographic expression—a
Or maybe, in a great
convulsive effort, the American nation will regain possession of the territory
and institutions that it was induced, in a process that merits detailed
investigation, to surrender after 1965.
To paraphrase Winston
Churchill’s speech at a not dissimilar moment of peril in British history:
Rejoice!
It can all
be Reversed by Legislation
The Lord giveth, an earlier generation of Americans was
frequently reminded, and the Lord taketh away.
Similarly, in respect of immigration, Congress gives and
can take away. The sheer power of determined government to reshape social
reality is easily forgotten by a generation that has only seen government
paralyzed by immigration—if not positively working for the other side.
To see what it really means to have a determined
government, compare this bracing account of the Israeli border fence with the
wimpy mini-wall Congress may or may not get around to authorizing: [Israeli
advice on the Mexico fence: be ruthless, by Shmuel Rosner,
Haaretz, May
23 2006]. (“It can work, the expert says and other Israeli know-hows agree.
Don’t buy the argument of liberal opponents who say ‘no fence can stop people
from coming.’ If done in a proper way, the fence can work. It can achieve
whatever goal the
In fact, it would not even take legislation to start
significant portions of
The steps necessary to
redeem
●
Shut off the illegal
immigrant faucet
with a border fence, effective visa controls.
●
Clean up the mess caused
by the illegal alien presence by: selective summary deportation (as outlined by
VDARE.COM’s whistleblower Juan Mann, repeatedly); revived workplace
enforcement; punishment of illegals’ employers through fines and tort action;
ending of subsidies to illegals through federal and state programs, mandated
hospital care, public education, eligibility for Affirmative Action programs
etc.; repeal of the anchor baby interpretation of the 14th
amendment; taxing illegal presence through imposts on remittances etc.; jail
(Guantanamo?) for repeat offenders.
●
Moratorium
on legal immigration. Not no gross immigration but no net immigration—which
would permit an inflow of 200,000 a year or so, enough to take care of hardship
cases, needed skills etc. Abandon the principle of “family reunification,”
which in practice has meant uncontrollable chain migration. Immigrants should
be admitted on own merits.
●
Abolish “refugee” category.
In practice, this is simply an expedited, subsidized immigration
program for politically-favored groups. Anyway, humanitarian
aid is best given
in situ—for
example, the “Somali Bantu” could have been resettled in
● Quebec-style
English-only legislation.
It isn’t pretty
but this is war. Everyone says they’re in favor of assimilation—prove it.
Institutionalizing foreign languages materially disadvantages monolingual
Americans. It effectively subsidizes immigrants, legal and illegal. End it.
● Make citizenship mean
something.
Lengthen the waiting period.
End dual citizenship. The naturalization process is a farce. Wait to make sure
new voters are actually Americans.
● Strip citizenship from
those who have obtained it through fraud.
A
negative amnesty. Why not?
Politically
impossible?
Note that I am deliberately
sketching out this wish list while totally ignoring the secondary question of
whether or not it is “politically possible.” These steps to redeem
I ignore the question of
what’s politically possible for two reasons.
Firstly, it actually helps
to know where the moon is. You can navigate by it. In other words, by looking
at the ideal, we throw into sharp relief the deep, systematic problems of the
real world and avoid the minutiae that is typical of so much policy discourse.
We
could systematically
strip citizenship from those who obtained it fraudulently. Isn’t that nice to
know?
Secondly, the plain fact is
that
no one really has the faintest idea what is politically possible.
Least of all the professional politicians. They appear to have been designed by
evolution to snuffle along like blind shrews, following their exquisitely
sensitive snouts for one day to the next, reacting savagely if asked about next
week—let alone year—and thus able to perform 180-degree turns without rupturing
their consciences.
Or even noticing. On
innumerable issues—wage and price controls, welfare policy, the efficacy of
military intervention overseas—the American conventional wisdom had changed out
of all recognition over relatively short periods of time, without the
conventionally-wise seeming to feel much need to reproach themselves for being
wrong.
It can happen in immigration
policy too.
Or, to put it another way:
the
The nightrmare will end. America will be freed from its immigration gulag.